Javanese Traditional Batik

Batik (Javanese pronunciation: [ˈbateʔ]; Indonesian: [ˈbatɪʔ]; English: /ˈbætɪk/ or /bəˈtiːk/) is a cloth that traditionally uses a manual wax-resist dyeing technique. Batik or fabrics with the traditional batik patterns are found in (particularly) Indonesia, Malaysia, Japan, China, Azerbaijan, India, Sri Lanka, Egypt, Nigeria, Senegal, and Singapore.

Javanese traditional batik, especially from Yogyakarta and Surakarta, has notable meanings rooted to the Javanese conceptualization of the universe. Traditional colours include indigo, dark brown, and white, which represent the three major Hindu Gods (Brahmā, Visnu, and Śiva). This is related to the fact that natural dyes are most commonly available in indigo and brown. Certain patterns can only be worn by nobility; traditionally, wider stripes or wavy lines of greater width indicated higher rank. Consequently, during Javanese ceremonies, one could determine the royal lineage of a person by the cloth he or she was wearing.

Other regions of Indonesia have their own unique patterns that normally take themes from everyday lives, incorporating patterns such as flowers, nature, animals, folklore or people. The colours of pesisir batik, from the coastal cities of northern Java, is especially vibrant, and it absorbs influence from the Javanese, Arab, Chinese and Dutch cultures. In the colonial times pesisir batik was a favourite of the Peranakan Chinese, Dutch and Eurasians.^{[citation needed]}

UNESCO designated Indonesian batik as a Masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity on October 2, 2009. As part of the acknowledgment, UNESCO insisted that Indonesia preserve their heritage.

Etymology

Although the word's origin is Javanese, its etymology may be either from the Javanese amba ('to write') and titik ('dot' or 'point'), or constructed from a hypothetical Proto-Austronesian root *beCík, meaning 'to tattoo' from the use of a needle in the process. The word is first recorded in English in the Encyclopædia Britannica of 1880, in which it is spelled battik. It is attested in the Indonesian Archipelago during the Dutch colonial period in various forms: mbatek, mbatik, batek and batik.

History

Wax resist dyeing technique in fabric is an ancient art form. Discoveries show it already existed in Egypt in the 4th century BCE, where it was used to wrap mummies; linen was soaked in wax, and scratched using a sharp tool. In Asia, the technique was practised in China during the T'ang dynasty (618-907 CE), and in India and Japan during the Nara period (645-794 CE). In Africa it was originally practised by the Yoruba tribe in Nigeria, Soninke and Wolof in Senegal.^[5]

In Java, Indonesia, batik predates written records. G. P. Rouffaer argues that the technique might have been introduced during the 6th or 7th century from India or Sri Lanka.^[5] On the other hand, JLA. Brandes (a Dutch archeologist) and F.A. Sutjipto (an Indonesian archeologist) believe Indonesian batik is a native tradition, regions such as Toraja, Flores, Halmahera, and Papua, which were not directly influenced by Hinduism and have an old age tradition of batik making.^[6]

Rouffaer also reported that the gringsing pattern was already known by the 12th century in Kediri, East Java. He concluded that such a delicate pattern could only be created by means of the canting (also spelled tjanting or tjunting; pronounced [ˌtʃanˈtiŋ]) tool. He proposed that the canting was invented in Java around that time.^[6] The carving details of clothes wore by Prajnaparamita, the statue of buddhist goddess of transcendental wisdom from East Java circa 13th century CE. The clothes details shows intricate floral pattern similar to today traditional Javanese batik. This suggested intricate batik fabric pattern applied by canting already existed in 13th century Java or even earlier.

Batik was mentioned in the 17th century Malay Annals. The legend goes when Laksamana Hang Nadim was ordered by Malacca King, Sultan Mahmud, to sail to India to get 140 pieces of serasah cloth (batik) with 40 types of flowers depicted on each. Unable to find any that fulfilled the requirements explained to him, he made up his own. On his return unfortunately, his ship sank and he only managed to bring four pieces, earning displeasure from the Sultan.^[7][8]

In Europe, the technique is described for the first time in the History of Java, published in London in 1817 by Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles who had been a British governor for the island. In 1873 the Dutch merchant Van Rijckevorsel gave the pieces he collected during a trip to Indonesia to the ethnographic museum in Rotterdam. Today Tropenmuseum houses the biggest collection of Indonesian batik in the Netherlands. The Dutch were active in developing batik in the colonial era, they introduced new innovations and prints. And it was indeed starting from the early 19th century that the art of batik really grew finer and reached its golden period. Exposed to the Exposition Universelle at Paris in 1900, the Indonesian batik impressed the public and the artisans.^[5] After the independence of Indonesia and the decline of the Dutch textile industry, the Dutch batik production was lost. The Gemeentemuseum, Den Haag contains artifacts from that era.

Due to globalization and industrialization, which introduced automated techniques, new breeds of batik, known as batik cap ([ˈtʃap]) and batik print emerged, and the traditional batik, which incorporates the hand written wax-resist dyeing technique is known now as batik tulis (lit: 'Written Batik').

At the same time, according to the Museum of Cultural History of Oslo, Indonesian immigrants to Malaysia brought the art with them. As late as the 1920s Javanese batik makers introduced the use of wax and copper blocks on Malaysia's east coast. The production of hand drawn batik in Malaysia is of recent date and is related to the Javanese batik tulis.^[9]

In Sub Sahara Africa, Javanese batik was introduced in the 19th century by Dutch and English traders. The local people there adapted the Javanese batik, making larger motifs, thicker lines and more colors. In the 1970s, batik was introduced to the aboriginal community in Australia, the aboriginal community at Erna bella and Utopia now develop it as their own craft.

Culture

In one form or another, batik has worldwide popularity. Now, not only is batik used as a material to clothe the human body, its uses also include furnishing fabrics, heavy canvas wall hangings, tablecloths and household accessories. Batik techniques are used by famous artists to create batik paintings, which grace many homes and offices.

Depending on the quality of the art work, craftsmanship, and fabric quality, batik can be priced from several dollars (for fake poor quality batik) to several thousand dollars (for the finest batik tulis halus which probably took several months to make). Batik tulis has both sides of the cloth ornamented.

In Indonesia, traditionally, batik was sold in 2.25-metre lengths used for kain panjang or sarong for kebaya dress. It can also be worn by wrapping it around the body, or made into a hat known as blangkon. Infants are carried in batik slings decorated with symbols designed to bring the child luck. Certain batik designs are reserved for brides and bridegrooms, as well as their families. The dead are shrouded in funerary batik.^[1] Other designs are reserved for the Sultan and his family or their attendants. A person's rank could be determined by the pattern of the batik he or she wore.

For special occasions, batik was formerly decorated with gold leaf or dust. This cloth is known as prada (a Javanese word for gold) cloth. Gold decorated cloth is still made today; however, gold paint has replaced gold dust and leaf.

Batik garments play a central role in certain rituals, such as the ceremonial casting of royal batik into a volcano. In the Javanese naloni mitoni "first pregnancy" ceremony, the mother-to-be is wrapped in seven layers of batik, wishing her good things. Batik is also prominent in the tedak siten ceremony when a child touches the earth for the first time. Batik is also part of the labuhan ceremony when people gather at a beach to throw their problems away into the sea.^[11]

The wide diversity of patterns reflects a variety of influences, ranging from indigenous designs, Arabic calligraphy, European bouquets and Chinese phoenixes to Japanese cherry blossoms and Indian or Persian peacocks.

Contemporary batik, while owing much to the past, is markedly different from the more traditional and formal styles. For example, the artist may use etching, discharge dyeing, stencils, different tools for waxing and dyeing, or wax recipes with different resist values. They may work with silk, cotton, wool, leather, paper, or even wood and ceramics.

Popularity

In Indonesia, batik popularity has had its tidings. Historically, it was essential for ceremonial costumes and it was worn as part of a kebaya dress, which was commonly worn every day. According to Professor Michael Hitchcock of the University of Chichester (UK), batik "has a strong political dimension. The batik shirt was invented as a formal non-Western shirt for men in Indonesia in the 1960s, not long after the country's birth.^[12] It waned from the 1960s onwards, because more and more people chose western clothes as fashionable, decimating the batik industry.

However, batik clothing has revived somewhat in the turn of 21st century, due to the effort of Indonesian fashion designers to innovate batik by incorporating new colors, fabrics, and patterns. Batik is a fashion item for many young people in Indonesia, such as a shirt, dress, or scarf for casual wear. Kebaya is regarded as a formal attire for women. It is also acceptable for men to wear batik in the office or as a replacement for jacket-and-tie at certain receptions. After the UNESCO recognition for Indonesian batik as intangible world heritage on October 2, 2009, Indonesian administration has asked Indonesians to wear batik on Friday, and wearing batik every Friday is encouraged in all government offices and private companies ever since.^[13] Batik had helped improve the small business local economy, batik sales in Indonesia had reached Rp 3.9 trillion (US$436.8 million) in 2010, an increase from Rp 2.5 trillion in 2006. The value of batik exports, meanwhile, increased from $14.3 million in 2006 to $22.3 million in 2010.

The existence and use of batik was already recorded in the 12th century and the textile has since become a strong source of identity for Indonesians,^[15] and to lesser extent Malaysia and Singapore. Batik is featured in their national airlines uniform, the flight attendants of Singaporean, Garuda Indonesia and Malaysian national airlines wear batik prints in their uniform. Although the uniforms are actually not real batik because the production is not using the traditional way but using mass produced techniques. The female uniform of Garuda Indonesia flight attendants is more authentic modern interpretations of kartini style kebaya and batik parang gondosuli motif, which also incorporate garuda's wing motif and small dots represent jasmine.^[16] The batik motif symbolizes the ‘Fragrant Ray of Life’ and endows the wearer with elegance.

Types and Variations of Batik

Javanese Kraton Batik (Javanese court Batik)

Javanese kraton (court) Batik is the oldest batik tradition known in Java. Also known as Batik Pedalaman (inland batik) in contrast with Batik Pesisiran (coastal batik). This type of batik has earthy color tones such as black, brown, and dark yellow (sogan), sometimes against a white background. The motifs of traditional court batik have symbolic meanings. Some designs are restricted: larger motifs can only be worn by royalty; and certain motifs are not suitable for women, or for specific occasions (e.g., weddings).

The palace courts (keratonan) in two cities in central Java are known for preserving and fostering batik traditions:

• Surakarta (Solo City) Batik. Traditional Surakarta court batik is preserved and fostered by the Susuhunan and Mangkunegaran courts. The main areas that produce Solo batik are the Laweyan and Kauman districts of the city. Solo batik typically has sogan as the background color. Pasar Klewer near the Susuhunan palace is a retail trade center.
• Yogyakarta Batik. Traditional Yogya batik is preserved and fostered by the Yogyakarta Sultanate and the Pakualaman court. Usually Yogya Batik has white as the background color. Fine batik is produced at Kampung Taman district. Beringharjo market near Malioboro street is well known as a retail batik trade center in Yogyakarta.

Pesisir Batik (Coastal Batik)

Pesisir batik is created and produced by several areas on the northern coast of Java and on Madura. As a consequence of maritime trading, the Pesisir batik tradition was more open to foreign influences in textile design, coloring, and motifs, in contrast to inland batik, which was relatively independent of outside influences. For example, Pesisir batik utilizes vivid colors and Chinese motifs such as clouds, phoenix, dragon, qilin, lotus, peony, and floral patterns.

• Pekalongan Batik. The most famous Pesisir Batik production area is the town of Pekalongan in Central Java province. Compared to other pesisir batik production centers, the batik production houses in this town is the most thriving. Batik Pekalongan was influenced by both Dutch-European and Chinese motifs, for example the buketan motifs was influenced by European flower bouquet.
• Cirebon Batik. Also known as Trusmi Batik because that is the primary production area. The most well known Cirebon batik motif is megamendung (rain cloud) that was used in the former Cirebon Kraton. This cloud motif shows Chinese influence.
• Lasem Batik. Lasem batik is characterized by a bright red color called abang getih pithik (chicken blood red). Batik Lasem is heavily influenced by Chinese culture.
• Tuban Batik. Batik gedog is the speciality of Tuban Batik, the batik was created from handmade tenun (woven) fabrics.
• Madura Batik. Madurese Batik displays vibrant colors, such as yellow, red, and green. Madura unique motifs for example pucuk tombak (spear tips), also various flora and fauna images.

Indonesian Batik from other areas

Java

• Priangan Batik or Sundanese Batik is the term proposed to identify various batik cloths produced in the "Priangan" region, a cultural region in West Java and Northwest Java (Banten).^[21] Traditionally this type of batik is produced by Sundanese people in the several district of West Java such as Ciamis, Garut, an Tasikmalaya; however it also encompasses Kuningan Batik which demonstrate Cirebon Batik influences, and also Banten Batik that developed quite independently and have its own unique motifs. The motifs of Priangan batik are visually naturalistic and strongly inspired by flora (flowers and swirling plants) and fauna (birds especially peacock and butterfly). The variants and production centers of Priangan Batik are:
  • Ciamis Batik. Ciamis used to rival other leading batik industry centers in Java during early 20th century. Compared to other regions, Ciamis batik is stylistically less complex. The flora and fauna motifs known as ciamisan are drawn in black, white, and yellowish brown. Motifs are similar to coastal Cirebon Batik, but the thickness of coloring share the same styles as inland batik. The thick coloring of Ciamis batik is called sarian.
  • Garut Batik. This type of batik is produced in the Garut district of West Java. Garutan batik can be identified by its distinctive colors, gumading (yellowish ivory), indigo, dark red, dark green, yellowish brown, and purple. Ivory stays dominant in the background. Despite applying traditional Javanese court motifs such as rereng, Garut batik uses lighter and brighter colors compared to Javanese court batik.
  • Tasikmalaya Batik. This type of batik is produced in the Tasikmalaya district, West Java. Tasikmalaya Batik has its own traditional motif such as umbrella. Center of Tasikmalaya Batik can be found in Ciroyom District about 2 km from city center of Tasikmalaya.
  • Kuningan Batik.
  • Banten Batik. This type of batik employs bright and soft pastel colors. It represents a revival of a lost art from the Sultanate of Banten, rediscovered through archaeological work during 2002-2004. Twelve motifs from locations such as Surosowan and several other places have been identified.^[22]
• Java Hokokai Batik. This type is characterized by flowers in a garden surrounded by butterflies. This motif originated during the Japanese occupation of Java in the early 1940s. The long fabrics usually is done in two pattern called pagi/sore (Indonesian: morning and afternoon) refer to two type of motifs in one sheet of fabric, as the solution of cotton fabrics scarcity during war time. Another recognizable traits of Java Hokokai batik are the Japanese influenced motifs; such as sakura (cherry blossoms) and seruni or kiku (chrysanthemums, Japan national flower and the symbol of the emperor), butterflies (symbol of female elegance in Japanese culture), and overlaying intricate details that has made Jawa Hokokai batiks as one of the most notable, noble and beautiful batik art forms in Asia.

Bali

• Balinese Batik. As Balinese Hindu culture does not restrict the depiction of images, the Balinese have traditionally focused more on sculpture and painting than on textiles. Balinese batik was influenced by neighbouring Javanese Batik and is relatively recent compared to the latter island, having been stimulated by the tourism industry and consequent rising demand for souvenirs (since the early 20th century). In addition to the traditional wax-resist dye technique and industrial techniques such as the stamp (cap) and painting, Balinese batik sometimes utilizes ikat (tie dye). Balinese batik is characterized by bright and vibrant colors, which the tie dye technique blends into a smooth gradation of color with many shades.

Sumatra

• Jambi Batik. Trade relations between the Melayu Kingdom in Jambi and Javanese coastal cities have thrived since the 13th century. Therefore, the northern coastal areas of Java (Cirebon, Lasem, Tuban, and Madura) probably influenced Jambi in regard to batik. In 1875, Haji Mahibat from Central Java revived the declining batik industry in Jambi. The village of Mudung Laut in Pelayangan district is known for producing Jambi batik. This Jambi batik, as well as Javanese batik, influenced the batik craft in the Malay peninsula.^[23]
• Minangkabau Batik. Minangkabau ethnic also have batik called as Batiak Tanah Liek (Clay Batik). They use clay as dye for batik. The fabric was immersed in clay for more than 1 day to make permanent color and after that they design the motif of animal and flora^[24]
• Aceh Batik.
• Palembang Batik.
• Riau Batik.

Painting

Out of its traditional context as fabrics with pattern, batik can also be as a medium for artists to make traditional or modern paintings or artworks. Such arts can be categorized in the normal categorization of arts of the west.

Batik Collectors

• Santosa Doellah has been recognised by The Indonesian Museum of Records as having the world’s largest collection of ancient Chinese-influenced Indonesian batik textiles. In total his collection consists of approximately 10,000 Batik pieces.^[25]
• The late mother of United States president Barack Obama, Ann Dunham was an avid collector of Batik. In 2009, an exhibition of Dunham's textile batik art collection (A Lady Found a Culture in its Cloth: Barack Obama's Mother and Indonesian Batiks) toured six museums in the United States, finishing the tour at the Textile Museum.^[26]
• Nelson Mandela wears a batik shirt on formal occasions, the South Africans call it a Madiba shirt.

Technique

Melted wax (Javanese: malam) is applied to cloth before being dipped in dye. It is common for people to use a mixture of beeswax and paraffin wax. The beeswax will hold to the fabric and the paraffin wax will allow cracking, which is a characteristic of batik. Wherever the wax has seeped through the fabric, the dye will not penetrate. Sometimes several colours are used, with a series of dyeing, drying and waxing steps.

Thin wax lines are made with a tjanting, a wooden handled tool with a tiny metal cup with a tiny spout, out of which the wax seeps. After the last dyeing, the fabric is hung up to dry. Then it is dipped in a solvent to dissolve the wax, or ironed between paper towels or newspapers to absorb the wax and reveal the deep rich colors and the fine crinkle lines that give batik its character. This traditional method of batik making is called batik tulis.

For batik prada, gold leaf was used in the Yogjakarta and Surakarta area. The Central Javanese used gold dust to decorate their prada cloth. It was applied to the fabric using a handmade glue consisting of egg white or linseed oil and yellow earth. The gold would remain on the cloth even after it had been washed. The gold could follow the design of the cloth or could take on its own design. Older batiks could be given a new look by applying gold to them.

Industrialization of Technique

The application of wax with a tjanting tool is done with great care and therefore is very time-consuming. As the population increased and commercial demand rose, time-saving methods evolved. Other methods of applying the wax to the fabric include pouring the liquid wax, painting the wax with a brush, and putting hot wax onto pre-carved wooden or copper block (called a cap or tjap) and stamping the fabric.

The invention of the copper block (cap) developed by the Javanese in the 20th century revolutionized batik production. By block printing the wax onto the fabric, it became possible to mass-produce designs and intricate patterns much faster than one could possibly do by using a tjanting.

Batik print is the common name given to fabric that incorporates batik pattern without actually using the wax-resist dyeing technique. It represents a further step in the process of industrialization, reducing the cost of batik by mass-producing the pattern repetitively, as a standard practice employed in the worldwide textile industry.

 

 

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Javanese Traditional Weapon (Keris)

For other uses of the word "kris", see Kris (disambiguation). For other uses of the word "KERIS", see KERIS (disambiguation).

The kris or keris is an asymmetrical dagger or sword most strongly associated with the culture of Indonesia, but also indigenous to Malaysia, Southern Thailand and Brunei. It is known as kalis in the southern Philippines. The kris is famous for its distinctive wavy blade (luk), but many have straight blades as well. The numbers of luks is always odd numbered,^[1] ranged from three to thirteen waves, however there is also luks that reach 29.^[2] Kris can be divided into three parts: bilah (blade), hulu (hilt), and warangka (sheath). These parts of kris are objects of art, often carved in meticulous detail and made from various materials; metal, precious or rare types of wood, or gold or ivory. A kris's aesthetic value covers the dhapur (the form and design of the blade, with around 150 variants), the pamor (the pattern of metal alloy decoration on the blade, with around 60 variants), and tangguh referring to the age and origin of a kris.^[3]

Both a weapon and spiritual object, krises are often considered to have an essence or presence, considered to possess magical powers, with some blades possessing good luck and others possessing bad.^[3] Krises are used for display, as talismans with magical powers, weapons, a sanctified heirloom (pusaka), auxiliary equipment for court soldiers, an accessory for ceremonial dress, an indicator of social status, a symbol of heroism, etc.^[3] Legendary krises that possess supernatural power and extraordinary ability were mentioned in traditional folktales, such as the krises of Mpu Gandring, Taming Sari, and Setan Kober.

In 2005, UNESCO gave the title Masterpiece of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity to the kris of Indonesia. In return, UNESCO urged Indonesia to preserve their heritage.

Etymology

The origin of the word kris derives from the old Javanese term ngiris which means to stab, wedge or sliver. "Kris" is the more frequently-used spelling in the West, but "keris" is more popular in the dagger's native lands,^[4] as exemplified by the late Bambang Harsrinuksmo's popular book entitled Ensiklopedi Keris (Keris Encyclopedia). Two notable exceptions are the Philippines, where it is usually called kalis or kris, and Thailand where it is always spelled and pronounced as kris. Other spellings used by European colonists include "cryse", "crise", "criss", "kriss" and "creese".

History

Origins

Kris history is generally traced through the study of carvings and bas-relief panels found in Southeast Asia. It is believed that the earliest kris prototype can be traced to Dong Son bronze culture in Vietnam circa 300 BC that spread to other parts of Southeast Asia. Another theory is that the kris was based on daggers from India.^[5] Some of the most famous renderings of a kris appear on the bas-reliefs of Borobudur (825 CE) and Prambanan temple (850CE). However from Raffles' (1817) study of the Candi Sukuh that the kris recognized today came into existence around 1361 AD in the kingdom of Majapahit, East Java. The scene in bas relief of Sukuh Temple in Central Java dated from 15th century Majapahit era, shows the workshop of a Javanese keris blacksmith. The scene depicted Bhima as the blacksmith on the left forging the metal, Ganesha in the center, and Arjuna on the right operating the piston bellows to blow air into the furnace. The wall behind the blacksmith displays various items manufactured in the forge, including kris. These representations of the kris in Candi Sukuh established the fact that by the year 1437 the kris had already gained an important place within Javanese culture.

There exist claims of earlier forms predating the Majapahit kris but none are verifiable. In the past, the majority of kris had straight blades but this became less frequent over time. Some of the most famous renderings of a kris appear on the Borobudur temple (825 CE) and Prambanan temple (850CE). Tomé Pires, in early 16th century, describe the importance of Kris to the Javanese:

Kris were worn on a daily basis, especially when travelling because it might be needed for self-defense against wild animals or bandits. During wartime it is the weapon of choice together with kris-edged spear (tombak). During time of peace, people wore kris as part of ceremonial attire. Ceremonial kris oftern meticulously decorated with intricate carving in gold and precious stones. Heirloom blades were handed down through successive generations and worn during special events such as weddings and other ceremonies. Men usually wore only one kris but the famous admiral Hang Tuah is said in the Hikayat Hang Tuah to have armed himself with one short and one long kris. As women were also permitted to learn silat, they sometimes also wore kris, though of a smaller size than a man's. In battle, a fighter might carried more than one kris, some carried three kris: his own, one from his father-in-law, and one as a family heirloom. The extra two served as parrying daggers but if none were available, the sheath would serve the same purpose.

Kris were often broken in battle and required repairs. Yearly cleanings, required as part of the spirituality and mythology surrounding the weapon, often left ancient blades worn and thin. The repair materials depended on location and it is quite usual to find a weapon with fittings from several areas. For example, a kris may have a blade from Java, a hilt from Bali and a sheath from Madura.

In many parts of Indonesia, the kris was the choice weapon for execution. The executioner's kris had a long, straight, slender blade. The condemned knelt before the executioner, who placed a wad of cotton or similar material on the subject's shoulder or clavicle area. The blade was thrust through the padding, piercing the subclavian artery and the heart. Upon withdrawal, the cotton wiped the blade clean. Death came within seconds.

In 16th century, European colonial power introduced firearms into the archipelago that contribute to the decline of kris' prominence as the weapon of choice in battle. However its spiritual and ceremonial function still continued and celebrated mainly in kratons and istanas (courts) throughout Indonesia and Malaysia.

Kris today

Until the 1990s, kris-making activities in Java had almost come to a standstill due to economic difficulties and changing socio-cultural values. However, thanks to several concerned kris experts, the tradition is being revived and kris craftsmanship has increased again.

Over the past three decades, krises have lost their prominent social and spiritual meaning in society. Although active and honoured empus who produce high quality krises in the traditional way can still be found on some places such Madura, Surakarta, Yogyakarta, Makassar And Palembang, their number is dramatically decreasing, and it is more difficult for them to find successors to whom they may transmit their skills.^[3]

Description

A kris' aesthetic value covers the dhapur (the form and design of the blade, with around 150 variants), the pamor (the pattern of metal alloy decoration on the blade, with around 60 variants), and tangguh referring to the age and origin of a kris.^[

Blade

Kris blade is called wilah or bilah. Kris blades are usually narrow with a wide, asymmetrical base. Kris is famous for its wavy blades (luk), however the older types of kris dated from Majapahit era are straight blades ones.^[7] The numbers of luks is always odd numbered,^[1] the common numbers of luks ranged from three to thirteen waves, however there is also luks that reach 29.^[2] Today the wavy blade kris is more commonly found than the straight ones. The exact purpose of wavy blade is unknown. It was suggested that wavy blade is symbolize both fire and water, the two elements present during the forging of metal blade. In Bali kris is associated with Nāga (dragon serpent) which also symbolyze irrigation canals, rivers, springs, wells, spouts, waterfalls and rainbows, thus the wavy blade symbolyze the movement of the serpent. Some keris have a naga or serpent head carved near its base with the body and tail following the curves of the blade to the tip. A wavy kris is a naga in motion, aggressive and alive; a straight blade is one at rest, its power dormant but ready to come into action.^[8]

Another theory suggested that the wavy blade design was meant to inflict severe wound upon victim. During keris stabbing, the wavy blades severes more blood vessels, creating wider wound which caused the victim to easily bleed to death. However in older Javanese tradition it is also common to apply various types of poisons upon keris blade, which can inflict more potent mortality upon battle.

Different types of whetstones, acidic juice of citrus fruits and poisonous arsenic bring out the contrast between the dark black iron and the light colored silvery nickel layers which together form pamor, damascene patterns on the blade. The distinctive pamor patterns has specific meanings and names which indicate their special magical property.

Hilt

Kris handle or hilt (hulu keris) is the object of art, often carved in meticulous details and made from various materials; precious rare types of wood to gold or ivory. In Bali kris handle is carved in demon-like creature coated in gold and adorned with semi precious and precious stones, such as rubies. In Java kris handle is made in various type, the most common design is the abstract stylized representation of human. The example of kris hilt styles such as Tunggak Semi Putri Kinurung hilt from Surakarta, Hulu keris Batara Guru and Pulasir from Madura, hulu keris Punukan from Palembang, Ratmaja from Bali, hulu keris Pulungan from Cirebon, and seabird-like hilt from Lampung and Sulawesi.^[9]

The kris usually has a curved pistol-grip hilt that aids in stabbing strikes. It allows the palm of the holding hand to add pressure to the blade while stabbing. A kris only offers minimal protection for the hand by the broad blade at the hilt. In rare cases, the blade may be forged so its axis lies at an angle to the hilt's axis. The intention is to get the blade automatically turning to slip past the ribs but this works poorly and makes the weapon less durable

Sheath

Just like kris hilt, its sheath (warangka) is also the object of art. It can be made from various materials, usually wooden frame to hold the blade which can be coated with metals; such as brass, iron, silver, or even gold, usually carved in sulur floral motifs. The upper part of sheath formed a broad curved handle made from wood or sometimes ivory. It could be adorned with precious or semi-precious stones.

Kris making

The making of a kris was the specialised duty of metalworkers called empu or pandai besi. In Bali this occupation was preserved by the Pande clan to this day, members of whom also made jewellery. A blade smith, or empu, makes the blade in layers of different iron ores and meteorite nickel. Some blades can be made in a relatively short time, while more legendary weapons take years to complete. In high quality kris blades, the metal is folded dozens or hundreds of times and handled with the utmost precision. Empu are highly respected craftsmen with additional knowledge in literature, history, the occult, etc.

Cultural beliefs

Krises were worn at special ceremonies, with heirloom blades being handed down through successive generations. Both men and women might wear them, though those for women are smaller. A rich spirituality and mythology developed around the weapon. Krises are used for display, as talismans with magical powers, weapons, sanctified heirloom, auxiliary equipment for court soldiers, as an accessory for ceremonial dress, an indicator of social status, a symbol of heroism, etc.^[3]

In Javanese culture kris is revered as tosan aji (Javanese for "sacred heirloom weapon") and considered as pusaka. Kris is believed to have ability to infused bravery upon its holder, this property is known as piyandel in Javanese which means "to add self-confidence". The pusaka kris or kris-tipped spear given by a Javanese king to nobles or his subjects, was meant to symbolize the king's confidence bestowed upon the receiver and considered as a great honor. During Javanese wedding ceremony, kris is required to be adorned with chains of jasmine flower arrangement as an important part of Javanese groom's wedding costume. The addition of jasmine arrangement around the kris was meant as a symbol that a man should not easily be angry, cruel, fierce, too aggressive, tyrannical and abusive.^[2]

Kris-makers did more than forge the weapon, they carried out the old rituals which could infuse the blade with mystical powers. For this reason, kris are considered almost alive because they may be vessels of spirits, either good or evil. Legends tell of kris that could move of their own volition and killed individuals at will. Some kris are rumored to stand upright when their real names are called by their masters. It was said that some kris helped prevent fires, death, agricultural failure, and many other problems. Likewise, they could also bring fortune, such as bountiful harvests. Many of these beliefs, however, were erroneously derived from the possession of different kris by different people. For example, there is a type of kris in Java that was called Beras Wutah, which was believed to grant its possessor an easy life without famine. In reality, this kris was mainly assigned to government officers that were paid, in whole or in part with foodstuff such as rice.

There are several ways of testing whether a kris is lucky or not. A series of cuts on a leaf, based on blade width and other factors, could determine if a blade was good or bad. Also, if the owner slept with the blade under their pillow, the spirit of the kris would communicate with the owner via dream. If the owner had a bad dream, the blade was unlucky and had to be discarded, whereas if the owner had a good dream the dagger would bring good fortune. However, just because a blade was bad for one person didn't mean it would be bad for another. Harmony between the weapon and its owner was critical.

Because some kris are considered sacred and believed to possess magical powers, specific rites needed to be completed to avoid calling down evil fates which is the reason warriors often made offerings to their kris at a shrine. There is also the belief that pointing a kris at someone means they will die soon, so silat practitioners precede their demonstrations by touching the points of the blades to the ground so as to neutralise this effect.

In Balinese Barong dance there is a segment called the "keris dance". The Rangda evil character appear and casting black magic upon male dancers that represents Airlangga's soldier ordering them to commit suicide. In trance these men stab themself on their chest with their own kris, while Barong and the priest casting magic to protect these men by making them invulnerable to sharp objects. The Balinese dance depicting the battle between Barong and Rangda is to represent the eternal struggle between good and evil.

Legends

Several folktales — linked to historical figures — were mentioning about the legendary krises that possess supernatural power and extraordinary ability. Most of the magical krises are from Javanese origin, while the tales are derived from Javanese ancient manuscript, Babad (Javanese chronicle) and Malay Annals.

Keris Mpu Gandring

One of the most famous legends from Java derived from Pararaton (The Book of Kings), describes a legendary bladesmith called Mpu Gandring and his impatient customer, Ken Arok, that took place during the end of Kediri kingdom. The customer ordered a powerful kris to kill the mighty chieftain of Tumapel, Tunggul Ametung. Ken Arok eventually stabbed the old bladesmith to death because he kept delaying the scheduled completion of the kris. Dying, the bladesmith cursed the kris through prophesied that the unfinished or incomplete kris would kill seven men, including Ken Arok. Ken Arok uses the Mpu Gandring's cursed kris to assassin Tunggul Ametung, cunningly put the blame to Kebo Ijo, and build a new kingdom of Singhasari. The prophecy finally came true, with four men enlisted as the kris' first death roll, including Mpu Gandring himself, Tunggul Ametung, Kebo Ijo to whom Ken Arok lent the weapon, and finally Ken Arok himself. The unfinished kris then disappeared.^[11][12]

Another version of the tale describes that the kris passed to Ken Arok's stepson Anusapati which in turn killed his stepfather after recognized that his genuine father was killed by Ken Arok with the same kris. The bloody revenge continued on and on until the reign of Kertanegara, the last king of Singhasari kingdom.

Keris Taming Sari

The Keris Taming Sari (translation: Flower Shield Kris) (Taming Sari's kris) is one of the most well-known kris in Malay literature, said to be so skilfully crafted that anyone wielding it was unbeatable. In some versions of the legend, the weapon would grant its user physical invulnerability. The legend took place sometimes during the fall of Majapahit Empire and the rise of Malacca Sultanate. Tun Sri Lanang's book, the Sejarah Melayu, tells that it was made by javanese empu and first used by the champion of Majapahit, a pendekar named Taming Sari. He was defeated in a duel to the death by the Melakan admiral Hang Tuah, after which the king of Majapahit presented the weapon to the victor.^[1]

After being framed by a jealous official, Hang Tuah was ordered to be executed, but he managed to escape and go into hiding with the help of a minister who knew the truth. Hang Tuah's kris and title of Laksamana (admiral) were passed on to his comrade Hang Jebat. Furious that his best friend was unfairly put to death, Hang Jebat rebelled against the royalty and took over the palace. The desperate ruler of Melaka pardoned the minister so long as Hang Tuah could win him back the throne. Having trained under the same master since childhood the two friends were nearly equals but of the two, Tuah was the superior fighter. However, even after a long battle in the palace, neither could best the other because the Kris Taming Sari evened the odds. Only after taking his weapon back did Hang Tuah manage to stab Jebat, who died soon after.

Keris Setan Kober

Another Javanese folk story tells of Arya Penangsang, the mighty Adipati of Jipang who was killed by his own kris called Keris Setan Kober (Javanese for: Devil of the Grave Kris). This kris is a powerful one with 13 luks and tangguh Pajajaran (created in kingdom of Pajajaran) by Mpu Bayu Aji, a skillful bladesmith. Near the finish when the Mpu tried to infuse spiritual power into the kris, he was disturbed by the crying demon (jinn) of the graveyard. As a result, although powerful, the kris is defective. Since Mpu Bayu Aji is so ambitious to create a powerful weapon, plus the disturbance from the devil, the kris has a temperamental evil nature that causes the wielder to be overly ambitious and impatient.

The story took place during the fall of Demak Sultanate that had replaced Majapahit as the ruler of Java. The Keris Setan Kober were safely kept by Sunan Kudus, one of nine Islamic saints of Java. However Sunan Prawoto, son of Prince Trenggana and grandson of Raden Patah, stole it and used it to assassinate his uncle Raden Kikin by the river, since then Raden Kikin also refer as Sekar Seda Lepen (flower that fell by the river). Raden Trenggana rise as Sultan and later after his death, replaced by Sunan Prawoto. Kikin's son, Arya Penangsang of Jipang with the help of his teacher, Sunan Kudus, took revenge by sending an assassin to kill Prawoto using Keris Setan Kober. Prawoto younger sister Ratu Kalinyamat seeks revenge on Penangsang, since Penangsang also murdered her husband. She urged her brother in-law, Hadiwijaya (Joko Tingkir) the ruler of Pajang, to kill Arya Penangsang. Hadiwijaya sent his adopted son and also his son in-law Sutawijaya, who would later become the first ruler of the Mataram dynasty.

During a battle, Sutawijaya stabbed Penangsang with Kyai Plered spear right in his gut. Arya Penangsang is bathing in his own blood, and his intestines were hanging from his gut. However because Arya Penangsang is a mighty fighter that possess aji or kesaktian (spiritual power in martial art), he keep fighting with an open wounded stomach. He encircled his hanging intestines on his kris hilt, and continue to fight. When trying to attack his opponent, the reckless, fierce and impatience Panangsang pulled his own Keris Setan Kober off its sheath, foolishly cut his own intestines, and finally died.

The Javanese tradition of putting jasmine garlands chain around the kris' hilt, especially on groom's kris during the wedding ceremony, are actually derived from this tale. It is to symbolyze that the groom should not be reckless, easily get angry, impatient and abusive like Arya Panangsang.^[2] To replace the intestine, the kris is coiled with a floral garland of jasmine chain that resemble intestine. The jasmine is to symbolize sacredeness, patience, grace, humility, kindness and benevolence, the qualities lack in Panangsang. However another source mentioned that actually Sutawijaya admired Penangsang's fighting spirits, still fighting although his intestine encircled around his kris. Impressed by Penangsang's deed, later he command his male descendants to follow his step, adorned the kris with "intestine" made from the chain of jasmine, as a symbol of bravery. The story of Arya Penangsang has inspired and performed as Javanese ketoprak drama

Kris as a symbol

Throughout the archipelago, kris is a symbol of heroism,^[3] martial prowess, power and authority. As a cultural symbol, the meticulously decorated keris represent refinement, art and beauty, as the pride and prized possession for its owner;^[2] however, as a weapon it is associated with violence, death and bloodshed. Probably for this reason, although the kris is widespread in Javanese culture, it is not used to symbolise Javanese culture or royalty, as Javanese tradition promotes harmony and discourages direct confrontation (hence the absence of knives on Indonesian dinner tables). This is also why the Javanese traditionally wear the kris on their back, to symbolize violence as the last resort. However, in other parts of archipelago, from Sumatra to the Malay Peninsula and to Sulawesi, the kris is worn on the front or left side on the hip.

The kris is depicted on different emblems, coats and logos. For example, it can be seen in historical flag of Mataram Sultanate and former emblem of Siam to represent Malay minority in Southern Thailand. Kris is displayed in emblems of Riau, Riau Islands Province, Terengganu and Selangor. It also can be seen on an obverse copper-zinc-tin RM1 coin with a songket pattern in the background. The Malaya and British Borneo dollar 1 cent coin of 1962 also depicted a pair of crossed kris.

Since the independence of Malaysia, the kris has become something of a symbol of Malay nationalism. It is still regarded by some as a symbol of ketuanan Melayu, the doctrine of Malay as the dominant race at their homeland, and has been incorporated into the Sang Saka Bangsa, the official flag of the United Malays National Organisation.


 sumber wikipedia

Javanese language

Not to be confused with Japanese language.

Javanese language (Javanese: basa Jawa (ꦧꦱꦗꦮ), Indonesian: bahasa Jawa) is the language of the Javanese people from the central and eastern parts of the island of Java, in Indonesia. In addition, there are also some pockets of Javanese speakers in the northern coast of western Java. It is the native language of more than 75,500,000 people.

The Javanese language is part of the Austronesian family, and is therefore related to Indonesian and other Malay varieties. Most speakers of Javanese also speak Indonesian for official and commercial purposes and to communicate with non-Javanese Indonesians.

Outside Indonesia, there are some Javanese-speaking people in neighboring countries such as Malaysia and Singapore. In addition there are also people of Javanese descent in Suriname (the former Dutch Guiana until 1975), who speak a creole descendant of the language. The Javanese speakers in Malaysia are especially found in the states of Selangor and Johor. For distribution in other parts, as far as Suriname, see Demographic distribution of Javanese speakers below.

Introduction

Javanese is a Nuclear Malayo-Polynesian language, but is otherwise not particularly close to other languages and is difficult to classify. It is however not too dissimilar from neighboring languages such as Malay, Sundanese, Madurese, and Balinese.

Javanese is spoken in Central and East Java, as well as on the north coast of West Java. In Madura, Bali, Lombok and the Sunda region of West Java, Javanese is also used as a literary language. It was the court language in Palembang, South Sumatra, until their palace was sacked by the Dutch in the late 18th century.

Javanese can be regarded as one of the classical languages of the world, with a vast literature spanning more than twelve centuries. Scholars divide the development of Javanese language in four different stages:

Old Javanese, from the 9th century

Middle Javanese, from the 13th century

New Javanese, from the 16th century

Modern Javanese, from the 20th century (this classification is not used universally)

Javanese is written with the Javanese script, Arabo-Javanese script, Arabic script (modified for Javanese) and Latin script.[1]

Although not currently an official language anywhere, Javanese is the Austronesian language with the largest number of native speakers. It is spoken or understood by approximately 80 million people. At least 45% of the total population of Indonesia are of Javanese descent or live in an area where Javanese is the dominant language. Five out of six Indonesian presidents since 1945 are of Javanese descent. It is therefore not surprising that Javanese has a deep impact on the development of Indonesian, the national language of Indonesia, which is a modern dialect of Malay.

There are three main dialects of Modern Javanese: Central Javanese, Eastern Javanese and Western Javanese. There is a dialect continuum from Banten in the extreme west of Java to Banyuwangi, in the foremost eastern corner of the island. All Javanese dialects are more or less mutually intelligible.

Phonology

The phonemes of Modern Standard Javanese.

The vowels /i u e o/ are pronounced [ɪ ʊ ɛ ɔ] respectively in closed syllables.[2] In open syllables, /e o/ are also [ɛ ɔ] when the followinɡ vowel is /i u/ in an open syllable, or /ə/, or identical (/e...e/, /o...o/). The main characteristic of the standard dialect of Surakarta is that /a/ is pronounced [ɔ] in word-final open syllables, and in any open penultimate syllable before such an [ɔ].

Consonants

The Javanese voiced phonemes are not in fact voiced but voiceless, with breathy voice on the following vowel.[2] In The sounds of the world's languages, the distinction of phonation in the plosives is described as one of stiff voice versus slack voice.[3]

A Javanese syllable can be of the following type:[clarification needed] CSVC. C=consonant, S= sonorant (/j/, /r/, /l/, /w/ or any nasal consonant) and V=vowel. In Modern Javanese, a bi-syllabic root is of the following type: nCsvVnCsvVC. As in other Austronesian languages, native Javanese roots consist of two syllables; words consisting of more than three syllables are broken up into groups of bi-syllabic words for pronunciation.

Javanese, together with Madurese, are the only languages of Western Indonesia to possess a distinction between retroflex and dental phonemes.[2] (Madurese also possesses aspirated phonemes including at least one aspirated retroflex phoneme.) These letters are transcribed as "th" and "dh" in the modern Roman script, but previously by the use of a dot: "ṭ" and "ḍ". Some scholars[who?] assume this might be an influence of the Sanskrit, but others[who?] believe this could be an independent development within the Austronesian super family. Incidentally, a sibilant before a retroflex stop in Sanskrit loanwords is pronounced as a retroflex sibilant whereas in modern Indian languages it is pronounced as a palatal sibilant. Though Acehnese and Balinese also possess a retroflex voiceless stop, this is merely an allophone of /t/.

Morphology

Javanese, like other Austronesian languages, is an agglutinative language, where base words are modified through extensive use of affixes.

Syntax

Modern Javanese usually employs SVO word order. However, Old Javanese particularly had VSO or sometimes VOS word orders. Even in Modern Javanese archaic sentences using VSO structure can still be made.

Examples:

Modern Javanese: "Dhèwèké (S) teka (V) ing (pp.) keraton (O)".

Old Javanese: "Teka (V) ta (part.) sira (S) ri (pp.) -ng (def. art.) kadhatwan (O)".[4]

Both sentences mean: "He (S) comes (V) in (pp.) the (def. art.) palace (O)". In the Old Javanese sentence, the verb is placed at the beginning and is separated by the particle ta from the rest of the sentence. In Modern Javanese the definite article is lost in prepositions (it is expressed in another way).

Verbs are not inflected for person or number. Tense is not indicated either, but is expressed by auxiliary words such as "yesterday", "already", etc. There is also a complex system of verb affixes to express the different status of the subject and object.

However, in general the structure of Javanese sentences both Old and Modern can be described using the so-called topic–comment model without having to refer to classical grammatical or syntactical categories such as the aforementioned subject, object, predicate, etc. The topic is the head of the sentence; the comment is the modifier. So our Javanese above-mentioned sentence could then be described as follows: Dhèwèké = topic; teka = comment; ing keraton = setting.

Vocabulary

Javanese has a rich vocabulary, with many foreign loan words as well as the native Austronesian base. Sanskrit has had a deep and lasting impact on the vocabulary of the Javanese language. The "Old Javanese–English Dictionary", written by professor P.J. Zoetmulder in 1982, contains approximately 25,500 entries, over 12,600 of which are borrowings from Sanskrit.[5] Clearly this large number is not an indication of usage, but it is an indication that the Ancient Javanese knew and employed these Sanskrit words in their literary works. In any given Old Javanese literary work, approximately 25% of the vocabulary is derived from Sanskrit. In addition, many Javanese personal names have clearly recognisable Sanskrit roots.

Many Sanskrit words are still in current usage. Modern Javanese speakers refer to much of the Old Javanese and Sanskrit words as kawi words, which may be roughly translated as "literary". However the so-called kawi words also contain some Arabic words. Furthermore there has been significant word borrowing from Arabic, Dutch and Malay as well, but none as extensively as from Sanskrit.

There are far fewer Arabic loanwords in Javanese than in Malay. These Arabic loanwords are usually concerned with Islamic religion, but some words have entered the basic vocabulary, such as pikir ("to think", from the Arabic fikr), badan ("body"), mripat ("eye", thought to be derived from the Arabic ma'rifah, meaning "knowledge" or "vision"). However, these Arabic words typically have native Austronesian and/or Sanskrit equivalents. In the cases mentioned, pikir = galih, idhĕp (Austronesian), manah, cipta, or cita (Sanskrit), badan = awak (Austronesian), slira, sarira, or angga (Sanskrit), and mripat = mata (Austronesian), soca, or netra (Sanskrit).

Dutch loanwords usually have the same form and meaning as in Indonesian, but there are a few exceptions. Consider this table:

The latter is interesting, as the word sepur also exists in Indonesian. The Indonesian word has preserved the literal Dutch meaning of "railway tracks", while the Javanese word follows Dutch figurative use, where "spoor" (lit. "rail") is used as metonymy for "trein" (lit. "train"). (Compare the corresponding metonymic use in English: "to travel by rail" may be used for "to travel by train".)

Malay was the lingua franca of the Indonesian archipelago before the proclamation of Indonesian independence in 1945, and Indonesian, which was based on Malay, is now the official national language of Indonesia. As a consequence, there has been an influx of Malay and Indonesian vocabulary into Javanese recently. Many of these words are concerned with bureaucracy or politics.

Politeness

Javanese speech varies depending on social context, yielding three distinct styles, or registers.[6] Each style employs its own vocabulary, grammatical rules and even prosody. This is not unique to Javanese; neighboring Austronesian languages as well as East Asian languages such as Korean and Japanese share similar constructions.

In Javanese these styles are called:

Ngoko (or even spelled as Ngaka) is informal speech, used between friends and close relatives. It is also used by persons of higher status to persons of lower status, such as elders to younger people or bosses to subordinates.

Madya is the intermediary form between ngoko and krama. An example of the context where one would use madya is an interaction between strangers on the street, where one wants to be neither too formal nor too informal. The term is from Sanskrit madya, "middle".[7]

Krama is the polite and formal style. It is used between persons of the same status who do not wish to be informal. It is also the official style for public speeches, announcements, etc. It is also used by persons of lower status to persons of higher status, such as youngsters to elder people or subordinates to bosses. The term is from Sanskrit krama, "in order".[7]

In addition, there are also "meta-style" words – the honorifics and humilifics. When one talks about oneself, one has to be humble. But when one speaks of someone else with a higher status or to whom one wants to be respectful, honorific terms are used. Status is defined by age, social position and other factors. The humilific words are called krama andhap words while the honorific words are called krama inggil words. For example, children often use the ngoko style, but when talking to the parents they must use both krama inggil and krama andhap.

Below some examples are provided to explain these different styles.

Ngoko: Aku arep mangan (I want to eat)

Madya: Kula ajeng nedha.

Krama:

(Neutral) Kula badhé nedhi.

(Humble) Dalem badhé nedhi.

The most polite word for "eat" is dhahar. But it is forbidden to use any most polite word for self expression, except when talking with lower status people, and in this case, ngoko style is used. The use of most polite words is only for speaking to other, especially upper status, people, as shown below:

Mixed:

(Honorific – Addressed to someone with a high(er) status.) Bapak kersa dhahar? (Do you want to eat? Literal meaning: Does father want to eat?)

(reply towards persons with lower status, expressing self superiority) Iya, aku kersa dhahar. (Yes, I want to eat.)

(reply towards persons with lower status, but without having the need to express one's superiority) Iya, aku arep mangan.

(reply towards persons with the same status) Inggih, kula badhé nedha.

The use of these different styles is complicated and requires thorough knowledge of the Javanese culture. This is one element that makes it difficult for foreigners to learn Javanese. On the other hand, these different styles of speech are actually not mastered by the majority of Javanese. Most people only master the first style and a rudimentary form of the second style. People who can correctly use the different styles are held in high esteem.

Dialects of modern Javanese

There are three main groups of Javanese dialects based on the sub region where the speakers live. They are: Western Javanese, Central Javanese and Eastern Javanese. The differences between these dialectical groups are primarily pronunciation and, to a lesser extent, vocabulary. All Javanese dialects are more or less mutually intelligible.

Central Javanese (Jawa Tengahan) variant, based on the speech of Surakarta[8] (and also to a degree of Yogyakarta), is considered as the most "refined" Javanese dialect. Accordingly standard Javanese is based on this dialect. These two cities are the seats of the four Javanese principalities, heirs to the Mataram Sultanate, which once reigned over almost the whole of Java and beyond. Speakers spread from north to south of the Central Java province and utilize many dialects, such as Muria and Semarangan, as well as Surakarta and Yogyakarta. To a lesser extent, there are also dialects such as those used in Pekalongan or Dialek Pantura and Kebumen (a variation of Banyumasan). The variations of Javanese dialect in Central Java are said to be so plentiful that almost all administrative regions (kabupaten) have their own native slang that is only recognizable by people from that region, but those minor dialects are not distinctive to most Javanese speakers.

In addition to Central Java and Yogyakarta provinces, Central Javanese is also used in the western part of East Java province. For example, Javanese spoken in the Madiun region bears a strong influence of Surakarta Javanese (as well as Javanese spoken in Blitar, Ponorogo, Pacitan, and Tulungagung).

Pekalongan dialect is spoken in Pekalongan and Pekalongan regency and also Pamalang.

Kedu dialect is spoken in ex-Kedu residency as Temanggung, Kebumen, Magelang and Wonosobo.

Bagelen dialect is spoken in Purworejo

Semarang dialect is spoken in Semarang, Semarang regency, and also Salatiga,Demak and Kendal

Eastern North-coast dialect, or dialek Muria, is spoken in Jepara, Rembang, Kudus, Pati and also Tuban and Bojonegoro

Blora dialect is spoken in Blora, eastern part of Grobogan and western part of Ngawi

Surakarta dialect is spoken commonly in Surakarta, Karanganyar, Wonogiri, Sukoharjo and Boyolali

Yogyakarta dialect is spoken in Yogyakarta and Klaten

Madiun dialect is spoken in East Java province, as Madiun, Ngawi, Pacitan, Ponorogo and Magetan

Western Javanese (Jawa Kulonan), spoken in the western part of the Central Java province and throughout the West Java province (particularly in the north coast region), contains dialects which are distinct for their Sundanese influences and which still maintain many archaic words. The dialects include:

North Banten dialect (Jawa Serang) is spoken in Serang, Cilegon and western part of Tangerang regency.

Cirebon dialect (Cirebonan or Basa Cerbon) is spoken in Cirebon and Losari. While Indramayu dialect (or Dermayon), which is spoken in Indramayu, Karawang and Subang, sometimes is also included as Cirebonan.

Tegal dialect, known as Tegalan or Dialek Pantura (North coast dialect) is spoken in Tegal, Brebes and western part of Pemalang regency

Banyumas dialect, known as Banyumasan, is spoken in Banyumas, Cilacap, Purbalingga, Banjarnegara and Bumiayu

These Western Javanese dialects sometimes are called as basa ngapak-apak by other javanese people.

Eastern Javanese (Jawa Wetanan) speakers range from the eastern banks of Brantas River in Kertosono, Nganjuk to Banyuwangi, comprising the majority of the East Java province, excluding Madura island. However, the dialect has been influenced by Madurese, and is sometimes referred to as Surabayan speech.

The most aberrant dialect is spoken in Balambangan (or Banyuwangi) in the eastern-most part of Java. It is generally known as Basa Osing. Osing is the word for negation and is a cognate of the Balinese tusing, Balinese being the neighboring language directly to the east. In the past this area of Java was in possession of Balinese kings and warlords.

Surabaya dialect (Suroboyoan) is commonly spoken in Surabaya, Gresik and Sidoarjo. Many Madurese people also use this dialect as therir second language.

Malang dialectis spoken in Malang and Malang regency and also Mojokerto

Jombang dialect

Tengger dialect, used by Tenggerese people

Banyuwangi dialect or called Basa Osing

In addition to these three main Javanese dialects, there is Surinamese Javanese. Surinamese Javanese is mainly based on the Central Javanese dialect, especially from the Kedu residency.

Phonetic differences

Phoneme /i/ at closed ultima is pronounced as [ɪ] in Central Javanese (Surakarta – Yogyakarta dialect), as [i] in Western Javanese (Banyumasan dialect) or as [ɛ] in Eastern Javanese.

Phoneme /u/ at closed ultima is pronounced as [ʊ] in Central Javanese, as [u] in Western Javanese or as [ɔ] in Eastern Javanese.

Phoneme /a/ at closed ultima in Central Javanese is pronounced as [a] and at open ultima as [ɔ]. Meanwhile unregarding its position, it is pronounced as [a] in Western Javanese and as [ɔ] in Eastern Javanese.

Vocabulary

The vocabulary of Javanese language is enriched by dialectal words. For example, to get the meaning of "you", Western Javanese speakers say rika /rikaʔ/, Eastern Javanese use kon /kɔn/ or koen/kɔən/, and Central Javanese speakers say kowé /kowe/. Another example is the expression of "how": the Tegal dialect of Western Javanese uses kepribèn /kəpriben/, the Banyumasan dialect of Western Javanese employs kepriwé /kəpriwe/ or kepriwèn /kəpriwen/, Eastern Javanese speakers say ya' apa /jɔʔ ɔpɔ/ – originally means "like what" (Javanese: kaya apa) or kepiyé /kəpije/, and Central Javanese speakers say piye /pije/ or kepriyé /kəprije/.

History

Ol

d Javanese

While evidence of writing in Java dates to the Sanskrit "Tarumanegara inscription" of 450, the oldest example written entirely in Javanese, called the "Sukabumi inscription", is dated March 25, 804. This inscription, located in the district of Pare in the Kediri regency of East Java, is actually a copy of the original, dated some 120 years earlier; only this copy has been preserved. Its contents concern the construction of a dam for an irrigation canal near the river Śrī Hariñjing (nowadays Srinjing). This inscription is the last of its kind to be written using Pallava script; all consequent examples are written using Javanese script.

The 8th and 9th centuries are marked with the emergence of the Javanese literary tradition with Sang Hyang Kamahayanikan, a Buddhist treatise and the Kakawin Rāmâyaṇa , a Javanese rendering in Indian metres of the Vishnuistic Sanskrit epic, Rāmāyaṇa.

Although Javanese as a written language appeared considerably later than Malay (extant in the 7th century), the Javanese literary tradition is continuous from its inception to present day. The oldest works, such as the above mentioned Rāmāyaṇa, and a Javanese rendering of the Indian Mahabharata epic are studied assiduously today.

The expansion of the Javanese culture, including Javanese script and language, began in 1293 with the eastward push of the Hindu–Buddhist East-Javanese Empire Majapahit, toward Madura and Bali. The Javanese campaign in Bali in 1363 has had a deep and lasting impact. With the introduction of the Javanese administration, Javanese replaced Balinese as the language of administration and literature. Though the Balinese people preserved much of the older literature of Java and even created their own in Javanese idioms, Balinese ceased to be written until the 19th century.

See also: Kawi language

Middle Javanese

The Majapahit Empire also saw the rise of a new language, Middle Javanese, which is an intermediate form between Old Javanese and New Javanese. In fact, Middle Javanese is so similar to New Javanese that works written in Middle Javanese should be easily comprehended by Modern Javanese speakers who are well acquainted with literary Javanese.

The Majapahit Empire fell due to internal disturbances in Paregreg civil war, thought to have occurred from 1405 to 1406, and attacks by Islamic forces of the Sultanate of Demak on the north coast of Java. There is a Javanese chronogram concerning the fall which reads, "sirna ilang krĕtaning bumi" ("vanished and gone was the prosperity of the world"), indicating the date AD 1478. Thus there is a popular belief that Majapahit collapsed in 1478, though it may have lasted into the 16th century. This was the last Hindu Javanese empire.

New Javanese

In the 16th century a new era in Javanese history began with the rise of the Islamic Central Javanese Mataram Sultanate, originally a vassal state of Majapahit. Ironically, the Mataram Empire rose as an Islamic kingdom which sought revenge for the demise of the Hindu Majapahit Empire by first crushing Demak, the first Javanese Islamic kingdom.

Javanese culture spread westward as Mataram conquered many previously Sundanese areas in western parts of Java; and Javanese became the dominant language in more than a third of this area. As in Bali, the Sundanese language ceased to be written until the 19th century. In the meantime it was heavily influenced by Javanese, and some 40% of Sundanese vocabulary is believed to have been derived from Javanese.

Though Islamic in name, the Mataram II empire preserved many elements of the older culture, incorporating them into the new religion. This is the reason why Javanese script is still in use as opposed to the writing of Old-Malay for example. After the Malays were converted, they dropped their form of indigenous writing and changed to a form of the "script of the Divine", the Arabic script.

In addition to the rise of Islam, the 16th century saw the emergence of the New Javanese language. The first Islamic documents in Javanese were already written in New Javanese, although still in antiquated idioms and with numerous Arabic loanwords. This is to be expected as these early New Javanese documents are Islamic treatises.

Later, intensive contacts with the Dutch and with other Indonesians gave rise to a simplified form of Javanese and influx of foreign loanwords.

Modern Javanese

Some scholars dub the spoken form of Javanese in the 20th century Modern Javanese, although it is essentially still the same language as New Javanese.

Javanese script

Main article: Javanese script

Javanese has been traditionally written with Javanese script. However, it has also be written with Arabic script and today generally uses Latin script. Javanese and and the related Balinese script are modern variants of the old Kawi script, a Brahmic script introduced to Java along with Hinduism and Buddhism. Kawi is first attested in a legal document from 804 CE. It was widely used in literature and translations from Sanskrit from the tenth century; by the seventeenth, the script is identified as carakan. A Latin orthography based on Dutch was introduced in 1926, revised in 1972–1973, and has largely supplanted the carakan.

The letters f, q, v, x, and z are used in loanwords from European languages and Arabic.

Demographic distribution of Javanese speakers

See also: Javanese people

Javanese is spoken throughout Indonesia, neighboring Southeast Asian countries, the Netherlands, Suriname, New Caledonia and other countries. However, the greatest concentration of speakers is found in the six provinces of Java itself, and in the neighboring Sumatran province of Lampung.

Below, a table with the number of native speakers in 1980 is provided.

Based on the 1980 census, persons in approximately 43% of Indonesia's households spoke Javanese at home on a daily basis. By this reckoning there were well over 60 million Javanese speakers.[11] In 1980, the total number of the Indonesian population was 147,490,298.[12]

Above only 22 provinces of the then 27 provinces of Indonesia are taken. In each of these provinces, more than 1% of the population are Javanese speakers.

The distribution of persons living in Javanese-speaking households in East Java and Lampung requires clarification. For East Java, daily-language percentages are as follows: 74.5 Javanese; 23.0 Madurese; and 2.2 Indonesian. For Lampung, the official percentages are 62.4 Javanese; 16.4 Lampungese and other languages; 10.5 Sundanese and 9.4 Indonesian.

These figures are somewhat outdated for some regions, especially Jakarta while they remain more or less stable for the rest of Java. In Jakarta the number of Javanese has increased tenfold in the last 25 years. On the other hand, because of the conflict the number of Javanese in Aceh might have decreased. Furthermore it has to be noted that Banten has separated

from West Java province in 2000

In Banten, Western Java, the descendants of the Central Javanese conquerors who founded the Islamic Sultanate there in the 16th century still speak an archaic form of Javanese.[13] The rest of the population mainly speaks Sundanese and Indonesian as this province borders directly on Jakarta. Many commuters live in the Jakartan suburbs in Banten, among them also Javanese speakers. Their exact number is however unknown.

At least one third of the population of Jakarta is of Javanese descent and as such speak Javanese or have knowledge of it. In the province of West Java, many people speak Javanese, especially those living in the areas bordering Central Java, the cultural homeland of the Javanese.

The province of East Java is also home of the Madurese people, who number almost a quarter of the population (mostly on the Isle of Madura), but many Madurese actually have some knowledge of colloquial Javanese. Since the 19th century, Madurese was also written in the Javanese script. Unfortunately, the aspirated phonemes of Madurese are not reproduced in writing. The 19th century scribes apparently overlooked, or were ignorant of, the fact that Javanese script does possess these characters.

In Lampung the original inhabitants, the Lampungese, only make up some 15% of the population. The rest are the so-called "transmigrants", settlers from other parts of Indonesia, many as a result of past government transmigration programs. Most of these transmigrants are Javanese who have settled there since the 19th century.

In the former Dutch colony of Suriname (formerly called Dutch Guiana), in South America, approximately 15% of the population of some 500,000 are of Javanese descent, thus accounting for 75,000 speakers of Javanese. A local variant evolved, the "Tyoro Jowo-Suriname" or "Suriname Javanese"

The Javanese language today

Although Javanese is not a national language, it has a recognised status as a regional language in three Indonesian provinces where the biggest concentrations of Javanese people are found, i.e. Central Java, Yogyakarta and East Java. Javanese is taught at schools and is also used in some mass media, both electronically and in print. There is, however, no longer a daily newspaper in Javanese. Some examples of Javanese language magazines include: Panjebar Semangat, Jaka Lodhang, Jaya Baya, Damar Jati, and Mekar Sari.

Since 2003, an East Java local television station (JTV) has broadcast some of its programmes in Surabayan dialect. Three such programmes are Pojok kampung (News), Kuis RT/RW and Pojok Perkoro (a criminal programme). Later on JTV also broadcast programmes in Central Javanese dialect which they call 'the western language' (basa kulonan) and Madurese.

In 2005, a new Javanese language magazine Damar Jati, saw its conception. The interesting fact is that, it is not published in the Javanese heartlands, but in Jakarta, the national capital of Indonesia.

Daily conversation

Javanese Ngoko: Piyé kabaré?

Javanese Kromo: Pripun wartanipun panjenengan?

Indonesian/Malay: Apa kabar? or Bagaimana kabar Anda?

English: How are you? or How have you been?.

Javanese Ngoko: Aku apik waé, piyé awakmu/sampèyan?

Javanese Kromo: Kula saé kémawòn, pripun kalian panjenengan?

Indonesian/Malay: Saya baik-baik saja, bagaimana dengan Anda?

English: I am fine, how about you?.

Javanese Ngoko: Sapa jenengmu?

Javanese Kromo: Sinten asmanipun panjengenan?

Indonesian/Malay: Siapa nama Anda?

English: What is your name.

Javanese Ngoko: Jenengku Jòhn

Javanese Kromo: Nami kula Jòhn

Indonesian/Malay: Nama saya John

English: My name is John.

Javanese Ngoko: Suwun/Matur nuwun

Javanese Kromo: Matur sembah nuwun

Indonesian/Malay: Terima kasih

English: Thank you.

Javanese Ngoko: Kowé arep ngombé apa?

Javanese Kromo: Panjenengan kersa ngunjuk punapa?

Indonesian/Malay: Anda mau minum apa?

English: What do you want to drink?.

Javanese Ngoko: Aku arep ngombé kòpi waé, Mas/Pak!

Javanese Kromo: Kula badhé ngunjuk kòpi kémawòn, Pak!

Indonesian/Malay: Saya ingin minum segelas kopi, Pak!

English: I want to drink a glass of coffee, Sir!.

Javanese Ngoko: Aku tresna karo kowé, Ndhuk!

Javanese Kromo: Kula tresna kalian panjenengan, Nyi!

Indonesian/Malay: Aku jatuh cinta padamu, Dik!

English: I am falling in love with you, Lady!.

Javanese: Witing tresna jalaran saka kulina (proverb)

Indonesian/Malay: Cinta datang karena terbiasa

English: Love comes from habit.

Words

explanation: Javanese Ngoko is on the left and Javanese Krama is on the right

yes = iya – inggih (nggih)

no = ora – mboten

what = apa – menapa

who = sapa – sinten

how = piyé/kepriyé – kadospundi/pripun

why = ngapa – kenging menapa

eat = mangan/maem – dahar/nedha

sleep = turu – saré/bobok

here = ning kéné – mriki

there = ning kana – mrana

there is (there are) = ana/ènèng – onten/wonten

there is no (there are no) = ra ana/ra ènèng – mboten wonten

no! I don't want it! = emoh/moh – wegah

make a visit for pleasure = dolan – améng-améng

Numbers

Main article: Javanese numerals

Javanese Ngoko is on the left and Javanese Krama is on the right

1 = siji – setunggal

2 = loro – kalih

3 = telu – tiga

4 = papat – sekawan

5 = lima – gangsal

6 = enem – enem

7 = pitu – pitu

8 = wolu – wolu

9 = sanga – sanga

10 = sepuluh – sedasa

50 = séket – séket

100 = satus – setunggal atus

hundreds = atusan – atusan

1000 = sewu – setunggal éwu

thousands = éwon – éwon

See also

Javanese literature

Javanese script

Java (island)

Hans Ras

Banyumasan language

Johan Hendrik Caspar Kern

Footnotes

^ Van der Molen (1983:VII-VIII)

^ a b c d Concise encyclopedia of languages of the world. Elsevier. 2008. p. 560. ISBN 0080877745, 9780080877747. Retrieved 2010-05-24.

^ Ladefoged, Peter; Maddieson, Ian (1996). The Sounds of the World's Languages. Oxford: Blackwell. ISBN 0-631-19814-8.

^ The Old Javanese spelling is modified to suit Modern Javanese spelling

^ Zoetmulder (1982:IX)

^ Uhlenbeck (1964:57)

^ a b Wolff, John U.; Soepomo Poedjosoedarmo (1982). Communicative Codes in Central Java. Cornell Southeast Asia Program. pp. 4. ISBN 0-87727-116-x.

^ For example Pigeaud's dictionary in 1939 is almost exclusively based on Surakarta speech (1939:viii-xiii)

^ The data is taken from the census of 1980 as provided by James J. Fox and Peter Gardiner and published by S.A. Wurm and Shiro Hattori, eds. 1983. Language Atlas of the Pacific Area, Part II. (Insular South-east Asia). Canberra

^ In 1980 this included the now separate Banten province

^ According James J. Fox and Peter Gardiner (Wurms and Hattori 1983)

^ Collins Concise Dictionary Plus (1989)

^ Pigeaud (1967:10-11)

^ Bartje S. Setrowidjojo and Ruben T. Setrowidjojo Het Surinaams-Javaans = Tyoro Jowo-Suriname, Den Haag : Suara Jawa, 1994, ISBN 90-802125-1-2

Sources

Elinor C. Horne. 1961. Beginning Javanese. New Haven: Yale University Press.

W. van der Molen. 1993. Javaans schrift. Leiden: Vakgroep Talen en Culturen van Zuidoost-Azië en Oceanië. ISBN 90-73084-09-1

S.A. Wurm and Shiro Hattori, eds. 1983. Language Atlas of the Pacific Area, Part II. (Insular South-east Asia). Canberra.

P.J. Zoetmulder. 1982. Old Javanese–English Dictionary. 's-Gravenhage: Martinus Nijhoff. ISBN 90-247-6178-6

External links

Javanese Writing System

Ethnologue report on Javanese

Javanese in Suriname strive to preserve origins Jakarta Post article

sumber wikipedia